Morning Edition · Thursday, September 10, 2026UpdatedPublished at 7:41 AM EDT · New York
The London School of Economics professor Ricardo Reis had written that the trade war would hurt American consumers, and the fund had already filled the post with another LSE economist by the time his spurning was reported.

Updated at 7:41 AM EDT
New reporting confirms the IMF quietly appointed Silvana Tenreyro to the chief economist post in July, weeks before today's account of Reis's spurning; she has held the job since August 10.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) set aside its leading candidate for chief economist, London School of Economics professor Ricardo Reis, after he said publicly that President Donald Trump's trade war would hurt American consumers, the Financial Times reported. The fund had already moved on: it named Silvana Tenreyro, another London School of Economics professor and a former external member of the Bank of England's Monetary Policy Committee, to the post in July, and she took over as the fund's economic counsellor and head of research on August 10, weeks before Reis's spurning was reported. Tenreyro has also argued that tariffs weigh on growth but is regarded as less openly critical of the Trump administration than Reis, Euronews reported. The chief economist directs the fund's flagship forecasts and its published analysis of member countries' policies.
The United States is the fund's largest shareholder and holds the only single-country veto over its major decisions. That structure has always shaped appointments. What is different is the subject matter, because tariffs are a policy the fund's own research staff routinely analyse and the position at issue, now held by Tenreyro, is the one responsible for that analysis.
The episode sits alongside a broader shift the same newspaper described this week, the end of the era in which international economic policy was justified as mutually beneficial. Governments increasingly present trade as a contest with winners and losers, and the institutions built to referee it are being asked to reflect that.
For non-Western governments the practical conclusion is straightforward. If analysis at the multilateral lenders can be adjusted to accommodate the largest shareholder, the value of borrowing there falls relative to alternatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the New Development Bank and bilateral Chinese lending.
The largest IMF shareholder, whose tariff policy the fund's flagship analysis would otherwise assess, and the parallel lenders (the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the New Development Bank and Chinese state banks) that gain borrowers whenever the fund's independence is questioned.
The account originates with the Financial Times and is repeated by aggregators rather than independently sourced, neither the fund nor Ricardo Reis has publicly confirmed the reason for setting the candidacy aside, and a routine personnel outcome would produce the same visible facts.
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What this means
The IMF's usefulness to borrowers rests on the perception that its diagnosis is independent of its largest shareholder, because that perception is what makes a fund programme a credible signal to private creditors. If the appointment process is seen to police conclusions, countries seeking finance discount the signal and shift toward regional and bilateral lenders whose conditions are political but at least explicit. Emerging-market borrowers gain optionality, the dollar-based institutional system loses influence, and the practical effect shows up slowly in which institution governments approach first during a balance-of-payments crisis. The counterargument, that this is a routine personnel decision, would be supported if the fund appoints another economist with a public record of criticising American policy.
Synthesized from: Financial Times · Financial Times
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